When economists and economic historians come to write about the crash of 2008, I hope that they take a longer view. This wasn't just a "housing bubble," or a "dot.com bubble," or a "credit crunch." At some point, probably back in the Reagan administration, the government, corporations, and individuals all decided to "put it on the never-never." (That's an old British expression for installment payment plans, under which one could have a desirable something now, and cost of it would be stretched into the "never-never.") I could even trace it to a single tacit agreement between a national leader and the people of this country.
In 1980 Ronald Reagan promised to increase military spending, cut taxes, and balance the budget. Let me digress for a moment into the world of project management. A popular theory of project management holds that there are three conditioning factors for a project: time, money, and quality. A project manager can increase quality by spending more time or more money, or can cut the budget by decreasing quality, but you can't improve quality, use less time, and spend less money. Similarly, I think that everyone knew that it was impossible, barring some sort of miracle, to increase spending, decrease revenue, and decrease the budget deficit. But a majority of Americans, myself included, voted for Mr. Reagan, by that action tacitly agreeing to base government programs on make-believe, rather than reality.
Parenthetically, I might say that there was an escape clause here, and it lay in the ambiguity between "cutting taxes" and "lowering revenue." According to economic theories attributed to Joel Laffer, a decrease in the tax rate could lead to an increase in tax collections, because of the removal of incentives to evade taxes, and because of the stimulus to economic activity provided by the tax rate cut. My personal problem with Laffer curves is that they were based upon the experience of the early 1960s, when maximum tax rates were decreased from 91 per cent to 70 per cent. The incentive to evade, and the disincentive to invest, at 91 per cent may have been enough to increase revenue in an otherwise favorable economic climate. But there was little or no evidence about what would happen when maximum tax rates were already in the 40 per cent range.
It has become a commonplace that incomes (in real terms, i.e., adjusted for inflation) have been pretty much flat since the early 1970s, and that such income growth as has occurred has been at the upper levels. On the other hand, productivity has been rising, which would have supported substantial wage increases. If workers, who were also consumers, could not purchase goods in some proportion to their increase production, an oversupply, with the inevitable deflation, would have occurred. Moreover, because the profits of corporations were not being distributed to the workers, money was accumulating in their accounts. What to do, what to do?
I want to make clear that I do not believe that there was some master plan at work here. I think the set of rules and incentives established in the early 1980s, along with an aversion to deferring gratification, led to the following results, which reinforced one another in various ways.
First, money was shipped overseas, for investment in foreign plants. That removed the threat of inflation due to excessive money circulating in the system.
Second, cheap products were imported from overseas. That removed the threat of cost-push inflation, by ensuring that there was always a cheap alternative.
Third, because more production was happening overseas, manufacturing jobs declined in number in the United States. And that took care of wage-driven inflation.
Fourth, a lot of jobs appeared in services. Some of these were very low-wage food service jobs, but some were commissioned sales jobs in the financial sector.
Fifth, noting that demand might not be keeping up with supply, which would lead to deflation (mustn't have deflation!), the authorities loosened all of the rules on borrowing.
In other words, because people's wages didn't go up with their productivity, they couldn't buy a lot of stuff that other people needed to sell, because so many people - mortgage brokers, stockbrokers, real estate salespeople - were commissioned. Therefore, it was in everyone's (apparent) interest to make it easy for people to borrow the money, so that they could buy houses, and cars, and appliances, and stuff. So, individuals stopped saving, and increased their borrowing. When savings occurred in spite of them, as when the values of their houses rose, they borrowed against that increased equity.
But corporations were also borrowing. I might note that one reason for this is that equity financing, which corporations pay for with dividends, lacks tax advantages over debt financing, which corporations pay for with (tax-deductible) interest. Corporations borrowed huge sums to buy other corporations, assuming their debt.
And, after a brief period in the 1990s, caused more by the inability of the branches of the government to agree on tax and spending policy, than by their agreement on a sensible approach to these things, the government has been borrowing. Not only are their constituents averse to taxes, they actually seem to believe that higher taxes are unnecessary! So President Bush cut taxes for the wealthy, and many not-so-wealthy, and then didn't rescind those cuts when he became involved in expensive overseas combat operations.
So, that's the real core of the crisis. No one, and I mean no one, has been willing to accept the spending discipline required to, in a phrase that falls quaintly on the ear, "live within their means."
I read an article in the Washington Post (National Weekly Edition) issue of October 6, which gave me a perfect example. A woman bought a townhouse in Dale City, Virginia, for $75,000 in 1993. After a number of actions, including refinancing the house for $208,000 with a reverse-amortization loan, she defaulted on the mortgage. The house reverted to Fannie Mae. They couldn't sell it at $149,000. They are now trying to sell it for $69,900. In other words, that house is worth today just about the same amount it was worth in 1993. It's always been worth $70-75,000. It has never been worth more. It, and a lot of other things, were made to appear worth more than they were, because unlimited credit led to massive inflation, which wasn't counted as such. Nobody wanted to say that the prosperity was false, or that the emperor had no clothes.
Glenn A Knight
Sunday, October 26, 2008
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5 comments:
> So, that's the real core of the
> crisis. No one, and I mean no
> one, has been willing to accept
> the spending discipline required
> to, in a phrase that falls
> quaintly on the ear, "live
> within their means."
And indeed that is the core of the problem.
I recall going to a pre-retirement seminar a number of years ago, where a presenter spent a couple of hours using numerous charts, graphs, and diagrams to explain how we could survive in retirement by borrowing and juggling various types of accounts. (The subtext seemed to be that if we were lucky, we'd die before anything actually came due.) At the end, the room erupted with questions for him. After a half hour or so, a soon-to-retire junior high school PE teacher raised his hand and said, "Wouldn't it be simpler to just stop buying shit you can't afford?"
Everyone looked dumbfounded, and the presenter snorted and said, "Well, no one should be expected to sacrifice his lifestyle just because he's retiring." It's clear that the coach lacked the necessary sophistication for cogent financial planning...
A perfect example of the issue Glenn raises here is the segment in the third presidential debate when the moderator asked each candidate to name a specific program or proposal that will have to be cancelled or delayed after his election due to the financial crisis. Neither candidate seemed to understand the question.
Or, perhaps neither of them wanted to be the guy who tells all of us happy, excited children that Santa won't be coming around any more.
A passage from my forthcoming book.
Some of you who know me will have seen much of this material before.
I apologize for any awkward formatting; I'm new here.
Sincerely yours.
Harold French
==================
The Social Cost of the State
This is the first time I have mentioned the social costs of having a state, and this idea is critical to every theory of Anarchism whether violently revolutionary or gradualist. So what I would like to do is explain this idea and then get back on track with the critique of the evil capitalist system.
Our starting point for this idea will be the microeconomic concept of diminishing return. It works this way. Imagine a statist system. In this system there are X number of police officers and Y number of crimes over any given time period. Maintaining the police force requires a certain amount of money per unit of crime per year. Over the same time period there is also a certain amount of money lost to crime. As we increase police officers, crime goes down, at least so the theory goes. Because we catch the stupid criminals and solve the easy crimes first, the remaining crimes are the more difficult ones. On average, it is going to cost more money per hundred dollars worth of crime, to solve the next hundred dollars worth of crime, than the hundred dollars worth of crime before it. This illustrates the concept of diminishing return. It costs more and more to deal with the next unit of crime because the next unit of crime is more difficult than the one before it. When the cost of each additional police officer equals the cost of crime prevented or solved by adding that police officer, we stop adding police officers. The reason is that if we add another police officer who costs more than the money he or she saves society, society would have less drag if it permitted the crime. Does our society really want to pay ten thousand police officers full time to find out what happened to Jimmy Hoffa? Or are we better off just letting them get away with it? This well illustrates the difference between economic thinking and moral thinking.
The obvious point is that the state is never out to eliminate crime. Its rational goal is to minimize drag on society (actually, not society as a whole, but the ruling class). Permit me to illustrate the social cost of having a state in another way. Imagine a near utopia in which the only crime in the whole world was the theft of one, single wooden pencil. The cost of providing for the court, the guards, the prison, and the prisoner exceed the cost of the pencil. Even a bullet in the back of the head would cost more than the pencil. The world would be economically better off just letting the thief have the pencil. The relevance to Anarchy is that, as we progress and get closer to the social condition of the single wooden pencil theft, at some point the state will no longer be able to justify its existence, because even though some antisocial acts (crime) still exist at a small level, the cost of having a state exceeds the value of not having a state.
The objection here is that a pencil is not the same as a murder. The argument still turns on the social cost of having a state. How much death and crippling is caused by needless wars between states? A current example is the United States’ criminal invasion of Iraq. Let us assume, to take another example, that forty million people died in Stalin’s purges. Let us further assume that Stalin was a serial killer who would have, apart from being a head of state, killed one person a month for as long he lived. He would have to have lived over three million years to kill the same number of people. Stalin could only have done what he did by means of a state and the moral acceptance of rule. Does it not strike you as odd that the largest arms dealers in the world are the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council? Facts along these lines are properly included in any calculation of the social cost of a state. When we are better off without a state, we kill the state. If we are not there yet, then we conduct our individual lives so that we are getting there apart from rule.
Not excepting the rhetoric of the apologists for the state, it follows that states, perhaps unconsciously, have a vested interest in maintaining a certain level of instability in order to justify their existence. Anarchy is not a perfect utopia; it is just a better world than the one we have now. The social cost criterion of state justification is a direct reply to those who hold that Anarchy requires a perfect, ideal society. It simply does not. Notice also how the social cost criterion of statehood dovetails with Anarchist Freedom. As society becomes less and less dependent upon a state, our freedom increases and increases. The way to put the state out of business is to reach the point of negative social cost for statehood (if we have not already) and then establish which side of the tipping point we are on by means of the social sciences. And if we are not there yet, then, as the social sciences advance, they should be able to tell us how to get there.
Three Theses
Having finished our tour of the social cost criterion of state justification, we are now back on track with our critique of capitalism. Even though a critique of capitalism is not a defining aspect of pure Anarchism, holding that a critique of capitalism is irrelevant to any systematic theory of Anarchism creates problems. Anarchists have traditionally offered a critique of capitalism, and indeed one of my Marxist friends specifically told me that if I was unwilling to discuss economics, there was nothing for us to talk about.
There is a strong social expectation that any theory of Anarchism will offer a critique of capitalism. I therefore feel compelled to offer a critique of capitalism, but do not consider the offered critique a part of this theory of Anarchism. It is only a part of the book.
A comprehensive critique of the evil capitalist system would take numerous volumes. The small attack presented here attempts to reveal two core problems with capitalism, and one extremely damaging theoretical error. Explicitly, the three theses are,
One, in order for capitalism to properly function a permanent lower class must exist.
Two, economic growth cannot solve the problem.
Three, the animating spirit of the market is limited to the pursuit of the totum bonum.
Before we turn our attention to the first one, we need to clarify what is meant by “capitalism.” It is important to realize that economics, as a social science, is constantly advancing, and economic theory is constantly in flux. In some respects, capitalist economics is passé because at this time economists are vigorously investigating the irrational aspects of economic behavior. Where this will lead no one knows. Do not misunderstand the point, the real world economic system we have today is far from just, and it remains largely capitalist in nature. Additionally, capitalism retains some very powerful apologists. There are, traditionally, two relevant and distinct meanings of the word capitalism, macroeconomic and microeconomic. The macroeconomic meaning is a doctrine incorporating belief in the state, the market system, the profit motive, and unlimited private wealth. The microeconomic meaning of capitalism is a doctrine advocating the desirability of technology and equipment. Occasionally, these two meanings are conflated, and sometimes people on different sides of an issue will argue past each other for failure to make this distinction. “Evil capitalist system” refers to the statist form of capitalism. I have nothing against technology and machinery so long as they are used in harmony with the harm principle, the most rational example being medicine. Let us now turn to the first thesis.
In order for capitalism to properly function a permanent lower class must exist because the system has a vested interest in maintaining a certain level of unemployment and under employment in order to keep downward pressure on wages. To see why this is so, we must consider what full employment means to a capitalist system. When there is a scarcity of labor, wages rise and profits fall according to the market principles of capitalism. When profits are falling, the stock market falls, and companies are worth less. There is now less money for reinvestment, less collateral for loans, and less money to service those loans. Economic growth slows, and this puts downward pressure on employment. If the stock market fails to fall far enough or fast enough, inflation picks up because rising wages cause an increase in demand for limited goods and services. The typical response is to use monetary policy (raise interest rates) to rein in inflation and stabilize the market. These factors slow or even shrink the economy until the labor market is back in approximate equilibrium. This equilibrium point requires some people to be out of work through no fault of their own. The corroborating economic phenomenon is found by correlating the release of labor data by the state with market responses to that data in times of nearly full employment. Full employment is therefore an economic chimera in the capitalist system.
The fact of necessary unemployment gives rise to the class system because people learn to adapt to their environment. After all, when children are raised on noodles, noodles are thought of as a good meal when they become adults. In the context of poverty, John Kenneth Galbraith speaks of this phenomenon thusly,
"We have observed the forces making for an equilibrium of poverty – that make poverty self-perpetuating and restore the previous level of deprivation, or something approaching it, if there is temporary improvement. But nothing so reinforces this equilibrium as the absence of aspiration – the absence of effort to escape it. In the poor . . . such aspiration, in turn, is in conflict with one of the most profound and predictable elements of human behavior. That is the refusal to struggle against the impossible, the tendency to prefer acquiescence to frustration. (61-62)"
When people socially adapt to their condition of chronic unemployment or underemployment, the class system is created. From the perspective of a morally sterile economist, capitalism must have some people out of work through no fault of their own in order to properly function. The contribution of the unemployed to the capitalist system, their job, if you will, is simply to be unemployed, and thus put downward pressure on wages, allowing those at the top to maximize profit. The evil capitalist system could not function without the poor. Speaking now with moral values, the unemployed should receive the totum bonum through a redistribution of wealth. Additionally, since they are unemployed through no fault of their own, absolutely no stigma should be attached to this redistribution. I am smiling as I write this because I know the reaction it produces in some people. Nevertheless, the logic holds, so the question comes to this, “How many innocent people would you cause to suffer to sift out the undeserving?” Galbraith also addresses this phenomenon in the following words,
"The ethical judgment of the affluent community, as well as its economics, is thought appropriate to the poor. Accordingly and instinctively, the rich community reacts derogatorily to the accommodation of the poor to their poverty; here are people who deserve no sympathy, for they do not even try. This again reflects a serious failure of understanding, another example of the highly inappropriate transfer of the highly conditioned attitudes of the rich . . . to the poor. (63 – 64)"
This is the social psychological cause of the class system, which, because of the inherent assumptions of superiority, seems to parallel racism in some respects. However, the actual line between the classes is not sharp and bright. In many places, what we actually have is a wealth distribution curve that corresponds to a cultural continuum dependent upon how and where one integrates into the economic web. At the extremes, there is a complex economic relationship between two completely different cultures, wealthy and poor, in which one culture is exploited and oppressed by the other. Each culture is created and sustained by adaptation of individuals to their respective social environment and passed from generation to generation by the socialization process. This is how I understand the origin of the class system. We have now arrived at the second thesis.
From this viewpoint it is almost self-evident that economic growth cannot solve the intrinsic problem of no fault unemployment, our second thesis. However, economic growth is often held out as a solution to the problem of chronic poverty. And admittedly, it has a ring of plausibility because when the economy grows, more workers are required. So what exactly is economic growth?
Economic growth in its simplest terms means an increase in aggregate output of goods and services. More stuff is produced. The pursuit of economic growth as a goal in and of itself means that more and more stuff is produced simply to produce more stuff. Notice how congruent this is with the endless pursuit of profit. The idea advanced is that economic growth will cause more people to be employed, or if employment levels are held constant, more stuff will be produced at approximately the same cost causing the market price to fall. It is then held that this benefits the poor.
There are a number of problems with this position. Foremost among these are the types of goods produced. For example, we can imagine that the people who actually built the great pyramids of Egypt had jobs, but such work did not necessarily advance the general level of the totum bonum among those same people. What if the same amount of labor had been expended building irrigation systems or teaching reading and writing? Today, building luxury items such as yachts and solid gold toilets does little to benefit those without the totum bonum. An economist would recognize this as the long term opportunity cost of resource distribution. In order to be effective at alleviating poverty, economic growth must be grounded solely in the totum bonum, not vanity. This returns us to two earlier points: one, only as many of our wants may be satisfied as justice permits; and two, while economics, per se, can potentially tell us the economic consequences of economic decisions, it cannot tell us which option to take.
A second major problem with economic growth is that eventually it must stop because resources are limited. This interfaces with the field of environmental ethics. One of the intrinsic aspects of economic growth is that we must consume more and more resources in order to sustain economic growth. Economic growth is really little more than a spreading fire. What happens when we run out of resources? The earth is a sphere of life, and it is finite. The fact of the matter is that human beings, as they now live, are like yeast in a bottle of grape juice . . . slowly dying in our own piss. Ecological collapse on a global scale will occur before economic growth achieves full employment. So long as capitalism remains the dominant economic system, there will always be those who are unemployed through no fault of their own.
It is sometimes held that job training and education can solve the problem of no fault unemployment. This position is also false. If Ph.D.’s were as common as secondary school diplomas, Ph.D. holders would be in the same position as high school graduates are today. In the current context, all superior education does is allow those with superior education to economically displace those with inferior education. It is a race to the bottom as much as it is to the top. Job training and education cannot solve the problem of no fault unemployment.
We have now arrived at our third thesis: Adam Smith’s concept of the invisible hand is wrong, and it is in need of serious revision if its validity is to withstand rational scrutiny. Our starting point will be Adam Smith’s only use of “invisible hand” found in The Wealth of Nations at B.IV, Ch.2, “Of Restraints upon the Importation from Foreign Countries,” paragraph IV.2.9
"As every individual, therefore, endeavours as much as he can both to employ his capital in the support of domestic industry, and so to direct that industry that its produce may be of the greatest value; every individual necessarily labours to render the annual revenue of the society as great as he can. He generally, indeed, neither intends to promote the public interest, nor knows how much he is promoting it. By preferring the support of domestic to that of foreign industry, he intends only his own security; and by directing that industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an INVISIBLE HAND to promote an end which was no part of his intention. Nor is it always the worse for the society that it was no part of it. By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it. I have never known much good done by those who affected to trade for the public good. It is an affectation, indeed, not very common among merchants, and very few words need be employed in dissuading them from it. [Emphasis added]"
The idea that pursuing our own exclusive private interest produces secondary, incidental social benefits is a central tenet of capitalism. Some ignorant apologists for capitalism have a problem accepting that self-interest alone theoretically guides the invisible hand, but in the last sentence of book two of The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith clearly points out that self-interest is the only thing that guides capitalist economics.
"The consideration of his own private profit is the sole motive which determines the owner of any capital to employ it either in agriculture, in manufactures, or in some particular branch of the wholesale or retail trade."
I want to emphasize the words "sole motive." Any good that flows to others is merely incidental in capitalism. It is like a man who is too poor to buy cigarettes being thankful that he no longer smokes. It is an incidental benefit. That is the invisible hand. Capitalism, when implemented, cares nothing for others. As confirmed in the following two quotes, profit maximization continues to be the central tenet of modern microeconomic theory and theories of the firm.
"Economists generally assume that firms attempt to maximize profit. However, the economist's definition of profits does not coincide with the accountant's. . . . [The economist] assumes that the firm will attempt to maximize the sum of profits over a long period of time, these profits being properly discounted to the present. . . . If the firm is able, explicitly or implicitly, to attach a probability to each level of profit that could result from each course of action, it is meaningful to assume that the firm attempts to maximize expected profits. . . . Observers of the modern corporation often state that profits are not the sole objective of these firms. Industry spokesmen often claim that the following objectives are also of importance: achieving better social conditions in the firm's community, increasing (or at least maintaining) its market share, creating an image as a good employer and a useful part of the community, and so forth. . . . Besides the question of how seriously one should take these self-proclaimed goals, the important question is how distinct these goals are from the goal of profit maximization. To the extent that many of these goals are simply means to achieve profits in the long run, there may be less inaccuracy in the profit maximization assumption than might appear at first glance." (Mansfield. 141-143 passim)
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"The assumption of profit maximization is frequently used in microeconomics because it predicts business behavior reasonably accurately and avoids unnecessary analytical complications. . . . Managers may be more concerned with goals such as revenue maximization to achieve growth or the payment of dividends to satisfy shareholders than with profit maximization. . . . Even so, managers' freedom to pursue goals other than profit maximization is limited. . . . In any case, firms that do not come close to maximizing profit are not likely to survive. Firms that do survive in competitive industries make long run profit maximization one of their highest priorities." (Pindyck. 245-246)
What this stuff means in everyday language is that in the capitalist system the sole reason for being of any firm is to maximize profit. According to capitalist theory, it is the selfish drive to maximize profit that provides the incentive for firms to develop new products, new methods of production, and move into new markets, thereby fulfilling the needs and wants of the people at a higher level of satisfaction solely as a secondary consequence. Profit maximization, therefore, is the animating spirit of Adam Smith's "invisible hand." Without the sole pursuit of profit maximization, the capitalist system would not work, and in its grossest expression this tenet of capitalism can be stated thusly, the quantity of profit is a valid and reliable indicator of the social good rendered by every economic activity.
Psychological Impact of this Ethos
Adam Smith’s invisible hand may be the theoretical justification for capitalism’s endless pursuit of profit, but subscription to the invisible hand theory has psychological implications. Chapter two of Max Weber's classic, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, confirms the existence of this psychological aspect of capitalism. Let me quote a paragraph in passing from this work to make the point.
"In fact, the summum bonum of this ethic, the earning of more and more money. . . is thought of so purely as an end in itself, that from the point of view of the happiness of, or utility to, the single individual, it appears entirely transcendental and absolutely irrational. Man is dominated by the making of money, by acquisition as the ultimate purpose of his life. Economic acquisition is no longer subordinated to man as the means for the satisfaction of his material needs. This reversal of what we should call the natural relationship, so irrational from a naive point of view, is evidently as definitely a leading principle of capitalism as it is foreign to all peoples not under capitalistic influence." (53)
Anarchism and capitalism are at theoretical odds because one cannot make acquisition for the sake of acquisition “the ultimate purpose of life” and at the same time pursue the totum bonum with gusto. In other words, happiness does not depend on how magnificent your house is; happiness depends on whether your roof leaks. Notice that Weber equates economic acquisition with material needs. In other words, according to Weber, the goal of economic activity in every culture not capitalistic is the material aspect of the totum bonum. Weber’s take on things can be criticized, but it is irrefutable that his work establishes the existence of this psychological facet of capitalism, and by extension every other economic system. The ultimate end of capitalism is the eternal pursuit of wealth for its own sake, and the most glaring personification and deification of this perversion is the multinational, for profit corporation.
Karl Marx - whose insights into the capitalist system are among the most profound ever written - and Adam Smith actually agree that the sole motive of the capitalist is self-interest. Marx has a somewhat different view than Smith as he describes this inherent trait of all capitalists in chapter IV, "The General Formula for Capital," of Das Capital,
"Use-values must therefore never be looked upon as the real aim of the capitalist; neither must the profit on any single transaction. The restless never-ending process of profit-making alone is what he aims at. This boundless greed after riches, this passionate chase after exchange value, is common to the capitalist and the miser; but while the miser is merely a capitalist gone mad, the capitalist is a rational miser. The never-ending augmentation of exchange value, which the miser strives after by seeking to save his money from circulation, is attained by the more acute capitalist by throwing it afresh into circulation." (72)
Notice that what Marx calls “the restless never-ending process of profit-making” is exactly the same thing current economic theory calls “the assumption of long term profit maximization.” This is a hard concession for any Anarchist to make, but on this point Marx was right.
Perhaps the most profound comment on this aspect of capitalism is a passage from Dr. Mortimer Adler’s book Desires: Right and Wrong. His insight is similar to Weber’s, but Adler, though he does not use the term, contrasts what amounts to the profit motive with a barter system.
"The misuse of money is the root of wrong desire with regard to wealth. This becomes evident by considering a barter economy conducted without money as an instrument of exchange. Inordinate desire for the possession of consumable goods, beyond the limits of usefulness set by nature, would be readily recognized as pathological motivation.
In such an economy, it would be easy to draw the line between greedy persons and those who virtuously sought a limited amount of wealth as an indispensable condition of living a good life. Only when money enters the picture does the line become hazy or obfuscated." (48 – 49)
The capitalist system is based, in part, on the premise that no matter how much one has, it is never enough. Imagine someone whose hands were never clean enough. No matter how often they washed them or what they washed them with, they were never clean enough. To me that person is mentally ill. Now, let's suppose a person had a fascination with oranges. No matter how many oranges they had, it was never enough. They could be six deep around every wall in their house, roof to floor, rotting, stinking, spreading flies and moldy juice everywhere. And it would still not be enough. More oranges. More oranges. More oranges! To me, that person is also mentally ill. Now, substitute gold for oranges. As the story of King Midas shows, there is no significant difference when it comes to property that does not rot. The mental pathology is the same. The endless pursuit of wealth is as sick as endlessly washing your hands. From the Anarchist perspective, all that is beyond the totum bonum is vanity, and all capitalists, even Anarcho-capitalists, are mentally ill.
It follows, then, that massive redistribution of wealth is permissible so long as this redistribution does not cut into the totum bonum of those currently wealthy. The rich have no natural right to wealth beyond the totum bonum because they would suffer no empirically verifiable harm by this redistribution. The wealthy are not to be harmed any more than you are, but their mental illness should be treated, not indulged.
An Economic Implication of Equality
Let me give you one hypothetical example of how Anarchist Justice will change the world. Imagine a large multinational shoe corporation. The people who actually make these shoes with their hands on a factory floor are paid two dollars an hour. The same corporation pays a sport celebrity 100 million dollars over five years to endorse its shoes. If that sport celebrity worked full time for that shoe corporation (which we know is a ridiculous supposition), he or she would be making around ten thousand dollars an hour compared to two dollars an hour. If this pattern fits real world circumstances, it seems pretty safe to say that someplace in the web of production the principle of Anarchist Equality has been ignored. And the argument that your shoes are cheaper is a red herring because the hundred million dollars is already accumulated. It only needs to be allocated according to Anarchist principles. It could also be feebly argued that the celebrity creates jobs. The fact is that the celebrity only channels jobs to a specific manufacturer of shoes. As shown above, human need and the division of labor are the only right source of jobs. The social consequence of such wealth disparity is defensive feedback associated with the class system, and it is the cause of many social problems. It seems ironic that often those people on top deplore the state of world we live in, and at the same time remain clueless as to their part in maintaining the status quo. And so ends this critique of the evil capitalist system. We now return to the thread on waging peace.
Harold, good to have you on the blog. If you want to post items of this length in future, I can make you a contributor, so that you can post original posts, and not just comments. Let me know. As to formatting, the only problem is one that I think is inherent in the blog form: your piece is very long to be read and comprehended online.
Now then, to a critique of your first thesis. That thesis is:
"One, in order for capitalism to properly function a permanent lower class must exist."
I'd first like to get rid of the word "properly." It's vague, and it tends to lead one to equivocations. You've avoided some of these equivocations with your definition of capitalism, but I still don't see that "properly" adds much to your thesis.
If I may rephrase your thesis, you are saying that, if one has a capitalist system, then
there must be a permanent lower class. Except in a trivial sense, this is not true.
Let me first dispose of the trivial sense. All attributes tend to be distributed in a population. Height, weight, intelligence, wealth, income, age, and all the other "predicates" of which Aristotle speaks in The Categories, are distributed through the population, so that some people have more of one thing, while others have less. In any normal population, there will be wealthier people and poorer people. Therefore, the existence of some group of people with less wealth than other people is a permanent feature of capitalist society. But that's trivial because it is true of any other society, as well.
While a lower stratum may be a permanent feature of society, neither a permanent lower class, nor a class of the permanently poor need be. For example, a number of studies have shown that, while there is always a lowest quintile of income recipients in the United States, the occupants of that quintile are constantly changing. People rise into higher quintiles as education and experience make them eligible for greater incomes, and others fall into lower quintiles as age, illness, and other factors limit their incomes.
It may be that a capitalist society, like any other society, requires that there be people prepared to accept low-paid jobs, but it doesn't require either that individuals be permanently caught in such jobs, or that the mass of people in such jobs be the same mass from time to time.
If I recall my reading of Das Kapital, Marx based a similar thesis on the idea that the source of profit was the exploitation of workers. He based his belief in the necessity for a proletariat on the idea that profit was the difference between what the workers produced and what they were paid. Therefore, (according to Marx), the capitalist tended to push wages down until the workers were at the point of starvation. That may be one way to make a profit, but it's not the only way.
There are three factors of production in classical analysis: land, capital, and labor. The first point is that one can make a profit off of any or all of them. If I produce more with a machine than it costs me to run it, I have a source of profit. If I produce more from a plot of land than I pay in rent, that's another source of profit. And if, through a good combination of factors, I make my workers more productive, I can pay them good wages, and still make a profit.
One other note. The difference between a group of people who happen to be in low-paid jobs at the moment, a class, and a caste, is the relative ease of transition from one position to another. Membership in a class may be, in fact must be, based upon more than mere income, or anyone could join the class by improving his income, and anyone could fall out of it by losing his job. Membership in a caste is determined by ancestry and tradition, and is pretty much impervious to changes in circumstances.
In the United States, while a lot of (usually leftish) academics have prattled on about the class structure, in general class is income, and income class. Upward mobility is pretty much purely a matter of making more money.
On the other hand, race relations have been a form of caste system. A rich black man could not join certain golf clubs, no matter how much money he had. That, too, is changing, but I think it is a great overstatement to compare class, especially in the United States, with race as a classificatory feature.
Harold--
What about the social cost of NOT having a state? You ask us to imagine this hypothetical situation:
> Imagine a near utopia in which
> the only crime in the whole
> world was the theft of one,
> single wooden pencil. The cost
> of providing for the court, the
> guards, the prison, and the
> prisoner exceed the cost of the
> pencil. Even a bullet in the
> back of the head would cost more
> than the pencil. The world would
> be economically better off just
> letting the thief have the
> pencil. The relevance to Anarchy
> is that, as we progress and get
> closer to the social condition
> of the single wooden pencil
> theft, at some point the state
> will no longer be able to
> justify its existence, because
> even though some antisocial acts
> (crime) still exist at a small
> level, the cost of having a
> state exceeds the value of not
> having a state.
Let's change the scenario a bit. Suppose there's a 13-year-old kid living on your block. Two or three times a week, as he's wandering the streets, he spray paints an obscenity on the wall of your house. What will you do about it?
If you call the police, you will clearly violate the principle of social cost you describe; the costs of having the police, courts, and juvenile facilities deal with that kid obviously will far exceed the cost to you of painting over the obscenities every time he paints them.
We know your theory, but, Harold, in the real world of your actual house, would you just let it go? Would you put up with having that kid vandalize your house? Or do you call the police?
Or perhaps you hide in the yard with a baseball bat and break his legs one fine evening when he stops to paint an obscenity on your house. That would certainly be consistent with anarchist thought on one level. Would that be the best course of action?
Of course, you might want to be prepared for the kid's brother when he comes to your door with a gun after you break the kid's legs...
Perhaps, on balance, it might be best to call the cops and let them deal with the vandal, regardless of the social costs. That may delay the withering away of the state that you're hoping for, but it probably beats getting shot.
My point is that theories can have consequences. One of the sad lessons of history is that many-- most?-- revolutionary theorists don't seem to realize or to care that their manifestos can result in suffering or death for actual, breathing human beings.
Harold forwarded this comment to me to be posted here. I've had it hanging around for some time, so I apologize for the lateness of the posting:
GK: Now then, to a critique of your first thesis. That thesis is: HF: "One, in order for capitalism to properly function a permanent lower class must exist." GK: I'd first like to get rid of the word "properly." It's vague, and it tends to lead one to equivocations. You've avoided some of these equivocations with your definition of capitalism, but I still don't see that "properly" adds much to your thesis. HF: Just as a doctor needs to have a concept of good health in order to provide direction for treatment, one needs a concept of what economic activity is trying to accomplish in order to provide direction for that economic activity. Deviation from that concept is improper. GK: If I may rephrase your thesis, you are saying that, if one has a capitalist system, then there must be a permanent lower class. Except in a trivial sense, this is not true. GK: Let me first dispose of the trivial sense. All attributes tend to be distributed in a population. Height, weight, intelligence, wealth, income, age, and all the other "predicates" of which Aristotle speaks in The Categories, are distributed through the population, so that some people have more of one thing, while others have less. In any normal population, there will be wealthier people and poorer people. Therefore, the existence of some group of people with less wealth than other people is a permanent feature of capitalist society. But that's trivial because it is true of any other society, as well. HF: Imagine a color continuum with red on one end, white on the other, and shades of pink in the middle. As an analogy, are you suggesting that white and red do not exist? Are you suggesting that the socialization process is irrelevant as to whether one leans red or white? Are you suggesting that there are no generational factors in the transmission of world views which ultimately result in two different cultures? Are you suggesting that there is no correlation between socio-economic status of parents and children? I’ll take that argument, and I don’t think it is trivial at all. GK: While a lower stratum may be a permanent feature of society, neither a permanent lower class, nor a class of the permanently poor need be. For example, a number of studies have shown that, while there is always a lowest quintile of income recipients in the United States, the occupants of that quintile are constantly changing. People rise into higher quintiles as education and experience make them eligible for greater incomes, and others fall into lower quintiles as age, illness, and other factors limit their incomes. HF: It appears that you have a concept of how capitalism is to properly function. Rather than dismiss the word “properly,” why don’t we more carefully define it? Coming to terms may advance the discussion in constructive ways GK: It may be that a capitalist society, like any other society, requires that there be people prepared to accept low-paid jobs, but it doesn't require either that individuals be permanently caught in such jobs, or that the mass of people in such jobs be the same mass from time to time.HF: I agree that social mobility exists. However, social mobility even exists in a caste system. This does not imply that caste systems do not exist. Social mobility proves nothing. GK: If I recall my reading of Das Kapital, Marx based a similar thesis on the idea that the source of profit was the exploitation of workers. He based his belief in the necessity for a proletariat on the idea that profit was the difference between what the workers produced and what they were paid. Therefore, (according to Marx), the capitalist tended to push wages down until the workers were at the point of starvation. That may be one way to make a profit, but it's not the only way. HF: But it is a necessary component of profit maximization. GK: There are three factors of production in classical analysis: land, capital, and labor. The first point is that one can make a profit off of any or all of them. If I produce more with a machine than it costs me to run it, I have a source of profit. If I produce more from a plot of land than I pay in rent, that's another source of profit. And if, through a good combination of factors, I make my workers more productive, I can pay them good wages, and still make a profit. HF: Agreed! And that is my point exactly. The idea of profit maximization harms people. Making a profit and profit maximization are two different things. As Lloyd says, “Theories can have consequences.” GK: One other note. The difference between a group of people who happen to be in low-paid jobs at the moment, a class, and a caste, is the relative ease of transition from one position to another. Membership in a class may be, in fact must be, based upon more than mere income, or anyone could join the class by improving his income, and anyone could fall out of it by losing his job. Membership in a caste is determined by ancestry and tradition, and is pretty much impervious to changes in circumstances. HF: I will stipulate to the distinction though the phrase “who happen to be in low-paid jobs at the moment” scares me. How long is the moment? GK: In the United States, while a lot of (usually leftish) academics have prattled on about the class structure, in general class is income, and income class. Upward mobility is pretty much purely a matter of making more money. HF: Agreed. Do you support equality of opportunity as desirable social goal? Nice to be back, Glenn. I appreciate your mind and knowledge. “By iron, iron itself is sharpened. So one man sharpens the face of another.” (Proverbs 27:17)
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